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ADMIN

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  3. ADMIN
    A Look at the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran
    TEHRAN (Iran News) Viewing governance strictly through three branches, conventionalizing the coercive power, failing to regard culture as an integrated power in itself, decentralizing education outside a unified power-based structure, and adopting a livelihood-centered and state-centered approach to the economy have all contributed to state-centric movements. Every few years, these movements have been directed along partisan and factional lines.
    Of course, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a synthesis of a monotheistic ontology (God-centered) and a people-based methodology symbolized by republicanism. For this reason, one can observe a certain alignment—within both the written and unwritten lines of the text—with Western liberalism (which is founded upon humanism and anthropocentrism).
    Thus, in some principles and concepts, similarities and overlaps with the values of Western liberal democracy can be observed. These commonalities appear mainly in the realm of “methods” and “citizens’ rights.” Entrusting cultural development entirely to the government without consistent supervision over its content and direction, or assigning education to the executive branch without aligning it with the necessities of the Revolution and national governance, as well as adopting a partisan and ideologically tinted approach to the economy—alongside pure capitalism without a focus on justice—have over the years led to the politicization of culture along factional lines, fragmentation of non-aligned educational content, and the emergence of a wealthy elite class immersed in affluence. This economic model has consistently created challenges across all sectors.
    We remain committed to principles within this Constitution; yet instead of giving primacy to these principles in overarching content and expecting governments to pave the way for substantive implementation, we have made the executive administrator the very foundation of content itself.
    Let us consider the following principles:
    A – Popular Sovereignty and Republicanism
    (Similar to Democracy)
    Western liberalism emphasizes popular sovereignty and the social contract. In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this concept is embodied in the republican nature of the system:
    Article 6:
    “In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the affairs of the country must be administered by reliance on public opinion, through elections: the election of the President, representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, members of councils, and the like.”
    Article 56:
    “Absolute sovereignty over the world and humanity belongs to God, and it is He who has made man master of his own social destiny. No one can deprive man of this divine right…”
    Although these principles are defined within a religious framework, in terms of their popular character and recourse to public opinion, they correspond with the democratic mechanisms of Western liberalism.
    B – Fundamental Freedoms
    (Similar to Liberalism)
    Freedom is the core of liberalism. In Chapter Three (Rights of the Nation), the Constitution refers to a wide range of freedoms similar to those set forth in international charters (influenced by liberalism):
    Article 23:
    The investigation of beliefs is forbidden, and “no one may be molested or taken to task simply for holding a certain belief.”
    Article 24:
    Freedom of the press is guaranteed, “unless it is detrimental to the fundamental principles of Islam or the rights of the public.”
    Article 27:
    Freedom of assembly and marches is permitted, “provided that arms are not carried and that they are not detrimental to the fundamental principles of Islam.”
    Article 22:
    The dignity, life, property, rights, residence, and occupation of individuals are inviolable.
    C – Human Rights and Human Dignity
    (Shared Concepts)
    Research indicates that in certain respects, the Constitution aligns with human rights positions (which have roots in liberalism):
    Articles 19–21:
    Equality of individuals before the law, observance of women’s rights, and protection of mothers.
    Article 32:
    The right to legal recourse and judicial security (arrests must be made according to law).
    Article 38:
    Torture for the purpose of extracting confessions is forbidden.
    These principles display relative harmony with the liberal view of inherent human rights (regardless of gender, race, or religion).
    D – Rejection of Domination and Independence
    (Similar to Anti-Colonial Principles)
    Interestingly, some principles of foreign policy in the Constitution (such as Articles 152 and 154) bear semantic resemblance to the outlook of early Iranian liberals during the Constitutional era, who sought to reject foreign domination and preserve independence. Although these principles are rooted in the Islamic concept of rejecting subjugation, in terms of “independence and freedom from foreign powers,” they share common ground with nationalist liberal ideals.
    A General View
    In an overall assessment, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran shares similarities with liberalism in its instrumental and procedural aspects:
    The use of voting and elections
    Recognition of conditional freedoms
    Respect for citizens’ rights
    However, at the level of foundations, the difference is fundamental. In Western liberalism, human autonomy is the source of rights, whereas in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, divine authority forms the basis of action, and people’s rights are defined within the framework of Islamic criteria (Article 4).
    In other words, in liberalism, freedom is unlimited unless it harms another person; but in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, freedom is limited by adherence to Islamic principles under the authority and supervision of a qualified Islamic jurist.
    The post A Look at the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran appeared first on Iran News Daily.
    View the full article
  4. ADMIN
    Iran Eyes Contract Farming in Afghanistan
    TEHRAN (Iran News) Mahmoud Siadat, head of the Iran–Afghanistan Joint Chamber of Commerce, said that official recognition of the Taliban government—referred to by its authorities as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan—would significantly strengthen commercial relations and provide greater confidence for long-term investments and private-sector engagement.
    His remarks followed recent statements by Alireza Bigdeli, Iran’s ambassador in Kabul, who indicated that Tehran may soon formally recognize the Taliban-led administration.
    In an interview, Siadat said there is no certainty yet regarding recognition, but noted that Iran’s relations with Afghanistan’s current authorities have steadily improved across multiple sectors.
    “Fortunately, relations between Iran and the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan are improving day by day in various fields,” he said.
    According to Siadat, official recognition by Tehran would create greater stability and reassurance for private-sector actors seeking to engage in Afghanistan. This would be particularly important for long-term projects such as railway connectivity linking Iran to China through Afghan territory, as well as major public and private investment initiatives.
    “When it comes to long-term contracts and strategic infrastructure projects, recognition would make it easier to rely on agreements and move forward with confidence,” he said.
    Siadat described current economic relations between the two countries as strong and friendly, but emphasized that formal diplomatic recognition would further enhance both the perception and practical realities of cooperation.
    Citing Iranian customs data, he said Iran’s annual exports to Afghanistan exceed $2.5 billion. However, Afghan customs authorities report even higher figures, estimating imports from Iran at more than $3 billion per year.
    In total, Siadat estimated that Iran’s combined exports of goods and services to Afghanistan amount to approximately $3.5 billion annually.
    By contrast, Afghanistan’s exports to Iran remain limited, totaling around $100 million per year.
    A significant portion of Iran’s exports to Afghanistan consists of technical and engineering services, which Siadat said exceed $500 million annually. However, he acknowledged that there is no comprehensive database tracking these activities.
    He attributed the lack of accurate data to insufficient government support and incentives. In the past, Iran’s Trade Promotion Organization provided bonuses of up to five percent of contract values to exporters of technical and engineering services, encouraging companies to formally register their overseas activities.
     
    “Today, not only are there no incentives, but exporters are concerned about potential penalties, taxes, and social security obligations,” Siadat said. “As a result, many prefer not to register their activities.”
    He added that Afghanistan’s most pressing needs go beyond goods and include technical services, consultancy, knowledge transfer, and technology—areas in which Iran has considerable capacity but has underperformed in terms of policy support.
    Looking ahead, Siadat highlighted agriculture as a key area for expanding bilateral cooperation. He said Iran has already imported cotton, legumes, and certain agricultural products from Afghanistan this year, along with limited quantities of zinc ore, lead, and other minerals.
    However, industrial and mining imports from Afghanistan currently face logistical and structural challenges. As a result, Iranian policymakers and business leaders are increasingly turning their attention to agricultural cooperation.
    “We are seeking to implement contract farming in Afghanistan,” Siadat said. “Given that more than 50 percent of Afghanistan’s economy and workforce is engaged in agriculture, livestock, fisheries, and horticulture, this sector offers significant potential.”
    Under contract farming arrangements, Iranian companies would invest in Afghan agricultural production, providing technology, expertise, and guaranteed purchase agreements. The harvested products—such as legumes, meat, and other agricultural goods—would then be exported to Iran.
    Siadat suggested that such cooperation could reduce Iran’s dependence on more distant suppliers.
    “Instead of importing legumes from Canada, we can source them from Afghanistan,” he said. “Through contract farming and the transfer of knowledge and technology, we can import agricultural products and meat from Afghanistan in a structured and mutually beneficial way.”
    Siadat also noted that remittances sent by Afghan nationals residing in Iran likely exceed the value of Iran’s total exports to Afghanistan. Millions of Afghans live and work in Iran, sending portions of their earnings back home to support their families.
    This flow of funds, he said, underscores the deep economic interdependence between the two neighbors.
    While formal recognition of the Taliban government by Iran has not yet been confirmed, Siadat made clear that such a move would mark a turning point in economic relations. It would not only solidify existing trade flows but also pave the way for expanded infrastructure projects, agricultural investment, and long-term strategic cooperation.
    For now, trade between the two countries remains robust despite the absence of formal recognition. But business leaders argue that a clearer diplomatic framework could unlock further growth—particularly in sectors such as rail connectivity, agriculture, engineering services, and cross-border investment.
     
    As discussions continue, Iran appears poised to deepen its economic engagement with Afghanistan, with contract farming emerging as a central pillar of its evolving strategy.
    The post Iran Eyes Contract Farming in Afghanistan appeared first on Iran News Daily.
    View the full article

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